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to no state. attacking states, laying low state governments, depleting the taliban, defeating al qaeda -- iraq. it will not stop it because terrorism, like sustainability, like markets, are interdependent in their character. so what we have created in the beginning of the 21st century is a deep asymmetry between the challenges we face and the political response the political institutions we have to respond to that. every challenge is interdependent, global cross frontier, and the primary political actors that respond are bounded, frontiered, independent nation states. and in that asymmetry, you can see the dysfunction of the modern world. we watch, for example, starting four or five years in copen hagueen and going through mexico city and dubai and nations came together to renew the kyoto protocol already out of term of the date. at least to embrace that antiquated document and failing to do so. and going home and saying that is because our sovereignty says china said the u.s., says now canada, even leaders on keogh know doesn't permit us to monitor, to report to international body, doesn't pe
that the government had any role in the financial crisis, it was in failing to regulate adequately either those institutions or the mortgage originators who profited by selling mortgages to people who couldn't afford them. the book traces the influence of this narrative into the specific provisions of the dodd-frank act. i argue in the book that this narrative is false. it was bad history, and it produced worse policy. it is certainly true that the private sector had some role in the financial crisis, but this was relatively minor when compared to the government's effort throughout the clinton and in part of the bush administrations to degrade mortgage standards in order to increase home ownership. this contrary view was never put before the american people in time for its implications to be considered in the debate over dodd-frank. if that debate had occurred, it's unlikely that the dodd-frank act would have been enacted in anything like its current form. now, why did this debate not occur? why was there no competition in ideas on this matter? that is what i'll largely talk about today. for th
$7100. that's for an individual. for a family of four, the cheapest insurance that the government's going to allow you to buy is going to be over $20,000. now, you compare it to what the premiums are now for individuals, it's about $5,000 for an individual, that's the average price of private insurance, so you can just see an average of a little bit over 5,000 to over 7,000, and for a family of four the average right now is a little bit over $14,000. so that'll go up to 20,000. that's just going to happen with these exchanges when they get set up next year. of -- now, so that's the cost of insurance. but you were supposed to pay a fee or fine if you didn't have insurance. for somebody that makes about 50,000, that fine would be about 1600. if you make $100,000, it'd be over $2,000. but the thing is you really won't even have to pay that, even though that's already quite a bit less than the insurance would cost you. and the reason is because in the obamacare bill it's set up so that the irs, basically, will find it impossible to collect the money from anybody. you know, the irs, it
with the whole family planning bill that was printed but not adopted but gradually the irish government did take responsibility nine years later with the measure and now that is of course, the controversial at all. meanwhile i was enjoying teaching law and a loved the interaction and i was practicing law and because of the opportunity to discuss tonight is state's constitutional law i quickly decided that was the area i wanted to focus on to take the test cases there issues of equality i would take them in the irish courts then there was the possibility these cases could be taken beyond the irish court just as the high court or supreme court because ireland had ratified the european convention on human rights and fundamental freedoms and all of that meant you could take decades having exhausted the remedies to go direct to strasbourg and the other possibility was to take cases to join the european union were there were directive said equal pay and equal opportunity binding on ireland there be a reference to go to luxembourg and argue then get a ruling because the irish court would be bound to ap
not have to deal with a government minder. i would use a cell phone and i hired a car from hotel, and call friends and get them to pass me to other people. so my goal was not to describe what saudi arabia ought to be like but try to understand and describe what it was like. saw want to talk today first about some observations about saudi society, in second about what those observations might portend about its ability or vulnerability, and then lastly, about scenarios that u.s. policymakers, which may someday include some of you in the audience, might face. saudi society, this probably should not have surprised me, but it did, it is much more diverse than we in the west think. there are people who live quite western lives inside their homes, and there are obviously people who seek to live a seventh century life. it is also much more divided than i realized, and much more dependent on government, because most people work for the government. the divisions are quite steep, so it's not in my view really a country as much as it is a collection of tribes with the flag. and it is divided by region
or woman on the street who knew how to spend their dollar more wisely than a distant federal government, and he did all in his power to prove it by cutting taxes. when governor jeb bush was in office, he cut taxes on floridians by $20 billion. let's talk about the size of government. when ronald reagan was in the white house, he dramatically reduced the ate rah of growth in federal spending and strove to reduce the size of the federal government. when governor bush was in office, he vetoed more than $2.3 billion in earmarked for higher state spending and retuesdayed the size -- reduced the size of the state's government payroll by 13,000 people. when ronald reagan did that on the national level, he did it with a purpose in mind. it was to spur the free market, create opportunity and provide incentives for businesses to frau. in his years in office, over 20 million new jobs were created in governor bush's state of florida, his similar philosophy and economic programs created a thriving state economy where 1.4 million new net jobs were added during his time in office. there are other fund
-american? >> guest: no, at the moment we have an ongoing dispute with the reigning government, which itself produces all manner of vicious propaganda against the united states or at about the great and so forth. so are actually quite popular. they are among the most pro-american populations in the greater middle east that it's unusual to find -- pollsters have not been able to find populations filled in any country. you find the rise and fall of approval of u.s. policies, which can sometimes the rep to demonstration where the two disputes between governments that we then throw into this catchall category as to what the problem is this underlying hatred. even though public opinion changes radically month-to-month in year-to-year. germans arrest about their opinion of the u.s. president under george w. bush it fell to a low of 12% approval. within a couple years obama with the day. approval was 92%. it's people who can make discriminating judgment on the basis of how they assess the new leader of the same country and many western europeans in many places were unhappy with an inarticulate proponent of
general control of the government presentation to the supreme court. the petitions to file, what responses to file, oral argument in the solicitor general also decides in the government will appeal an adverse decisions by district court or the court of appeals. the solicitor general has authority to decide when a federal they meet the eye and the supreme court or court of appeals. it's a broad portfolio that requires a large base of knowledge plus the ability to learn fast. the solicitor general does not control with y and doesn't start the process within the justice department feared cases that a writer for out to litigating division civil, criminal and thÉrÈse, and grants a natural resource and environment. then make recommendations, which go to the assistance. sometimes there's an internal conflict. the department of justice include the criminal division and those people always want to defend guards and seized their presence. sublimates divisions tends to favor and somebody has to resolve those on assistant to the solicitor general may think the criminal division statutory. prosecutio
an ongoing dispute with the iran and the iranian government that has propaganda against united states but we're actually quite popular with the iranian state are the most pro-american population of the greater middle east. it is unusual to find and pollsters have not found populations that are filled with haters of america but what you do find is the rise and fall of approval of u.s. policies which could be a interrupted of demonstrations that we throw into the catchall of anti-americanism as what the problem is the underlying hatred even though public opinion changes radically from month to month the year-to-year germans were asked about their opinions of u.s. presidency george to view bush fell to the low of coal% but obama was elected and approval was 92% was that a population of haters? no. they to make discriminating judgments on the basis of how they assess the new leader of the same country so western europeans were unhappy with the leader they saw as an inarticulate proponent of unilateral action and who had a swagger in his step and not interested in their opinion and when the presi
was just remarking for the first time a government and while that we've had sunshine when we started an evening program. so appreciate you coming in and being with us to our mission is to preserve and tell the significant stories of kentucky and ohio valley region system and culture. a part of the culture and political culture or cartoons. weaponize cartoon collection your. we have one example of actually thomas nast cartoon over here that our speaker might have time to point to later, and we'll see. if we have any additional questions, the curator concerted bring up to speed. if you're not a member, we would love to have you join us. we are private, nonprofit historical society and not supported by government funding. we would appreciate your membership. this is the commercial part of our program. i will now move along to watch you were here. i want to thank c-span for being here, and also i see a number of students here from presentation academy and i believe trinity, so we always welcome you and thank you very much for joining. dr. fiona deans halloran is a department chair of u.s
branches of the arizona state government in the preceding years and of course, i have left the track record and i think the president had sent people out to uncover the press coverage of anything i was involved with and to look at papers in connection with a record. i guess they had not uncovered anything to looks scary so he decided to do that. i was at home the day they've wanted to come now to talk to me. my husband and i had built a sun-dried adobe house in the phoenix area 1957. that was a challenge you could buy the other kind but in this country today it is very hard to buy a sun-dried adobe bricks that somebody has made then dried and in a frame in the sun and that is what we've wanted to use. i ate them and in scottsdale to build some houses like that and he could tell us how to get sun-dried adobe so we followed his advice and found a starving young architect who was willing to designed a house so we got it built and i loved it. it was so fun until you see it and touch it you probably cannot appreciate why i liked it so much but it looks good, it feels good good, and it is wonderf
representatives of the black community. the community had to govern in our own interest and we will take that honor make that happen. the idea was not just about standing up to the police. it never was from the beginning. the party was very much about creating stewardship and self governance and community self-governance. while the initial development of the party and the national threat was there the strategy of self-defense, a lot of what became really the center of a party practice in 69 and onward was free brac is for children and community programs about taking care the community. here you had the war on poverty and yet you had children starving here in the united states. the black panther party said we are going to feed the children in our community. this was the breakfast program and they had liberation -- i want to say a word about the party. the party was attacked by the federal government not only is an organization that's really the history and the political possibility of the party was attacked. if you look at the documents of j. edgar hoover thinking about the threat of the
the library had been run privately and the federal government had kept all of president nixon's papers in washington, one of the outcomes of watergate, and my job was to bring it together and have a federally funded and administered library in california with the papers. so we started this oral history project 30 years late. and after all, it's much better when you get people when they're just out of the administration. and another since talking years later the time to, and may be more candid. the really, really older gentleman of the entity for the library had been with richard nixon in the '60s. you just mentioned something about him pushing him out. without exception, the men who had been with them in the '50s, he pushed away when he got to the white house. and he brought close to him younger people. he enjoyed having of the people around, but younger people he could mold and shape. and a lot of the trouble that arose was that these younger people were willing to do what he wanted them to do. whereas the older people and the numbers we interviewed wanted, kept saying no, don't do th
government other than for the essential personnel the day that this occurred in 63. but, i am pretty certain that the commemoration is mostly going to focus on dr. king and i have a dream. and i know that -- we all know this and most of us can recite parts of it and chunks of it especially towards the end. it's a great speech. it's optimistic, hopeful, it is king at his best when it comes to the delivery and the style and emotional appeal but also frees as dr. king in 1963 in this moment. he's talking about ecology and the brotherhood, which are fine themes and messages but it freezes him and obscures' the complexity of king and of the freedom struggle and the complexity of the 1960's. so tonight i want to talk more about another march, the poor people's campaign in 1968 which is what dr. king was working on when he was assassinated in memphis. alarmed by what he saw as a vicious circle of violence by the state with police harassment and brutality or as well u.s. military involvement in southeast asia and then the response by frustrated african-americans and very frustrated at the slow pace
shouldn't have a say in things. democracy is an invalid form of government. the friend and fellow catholic of newman said to gladstone, the prime minister, who said, the pope is just a tact. every form of government, and he said don't worry, catholics don't pay attention to the pope when he talks politics. well, more and more, we're not paying attention, not only on contraceptives which is abandoned by catholics for decades now, but even on things like literal body railism about the body and -- literalism about the body and blood of jesus. the most hold under cattics under 30 done in the 1990s showed that 40% of them already didn't believe that it was the literal body and blood of jesus, catholics under 30, and we don't act that way anymore. there's an old saying, the way you pray is the way you believe. you act out your faith. well, when i was an altar boy, if you dropped a hogs, that was gone, and all had to gather around and doing in intowt it. if you spilled wine, you had to wipe it up and burn all of that. now, you know, to avoid having that problem, you are given a little thin host s
, because people were looking back to nixon saying you can have a good government republic that once the government of the efficient. although under mix and it did grow. the the republican party is so different now because there is no room for nixon so there was much more interesting richard nixon's domestic agenda. everybody is interested obviously in the foreign policy side like the end of the war in vietnam. but i noticed this in the second term of the bush administration there was more interest in the domestic policy. it is a real problem for historians because of the tapes richard nixon is not always very happy about his domestic policy. i was wondering since we are looking at the earlier period for next-gen, where would you put him in the new deal in the 1950's? would you say he is interested in a continuation of the new deal? what role does he see the government playing in the society? >> certainly think he had no desire to undo the new deal. she was very much aware and in favor of a catastrophic health plan. don't forget when nixon was growing up his family was poor, but he h
presentation. [applause] >> in 1978, steven hess surveyed 450 journalists covering the federal government for u.s. news organizations. over 30 years later, the author now a senior fellow emarry at that time at the brookings institute visits former subjects to see how things have changed in their careers and journalism in general. this is about an hour. >> senator rubio, i better drink my water first. >> this is very exciting for me, for my wife, because we were friends of karla and david coen. feel we were here at the creation of politics and prose, and the incredible job they did and the idea there would be a second act would be so creative and so exciting under brad and lisa. just means a lot to us. i'm very, very pleased that you would come out on valentine's day. i love you all. in fact i brought pens that are red. i will sign all books with red pens and put in a heart and an xo, hugs and kisses, as well. if you wish them. and the ancient history behind this book has been largely told by brad and his introduction. i did come to brookings in 1972 after being on the white house staff of two p
was that the fundamental job as any government, and we were the government of iraq is to provide law and order for the citizens. law and order meant having the adequate combat ki devotee of the ground in iraq right from the start which had basically three elements people keep focusing on the american troop level that that is only one of three elements. we needed to look at the number and quality of the coalition forces and we had some problem with them and we needed to look in particular at the area that i had the most disagreement i would say with the pentagon was of the question of assessing the quality of the iraqi forces we were training in the army and the police i felt that it is going to take a long time coming and indeed it has to bring them up to a sufficient capability. i was concerned that the military in the fall of 2003 was hoping that they could use iraqi security forces to allow us to draw down the american troops rather substantially in the spring of 2004. that was my main concern about american troops is that substituting iraqi is for americans before they were ready. >> i wan
and find him guilty of all five it's going to benefit him and it benefits the government, the prosecutor because at steve's the system a lot of time and money rather than going through a trial that's expensive and lasts for days and moves the case so there's a lot of people in the plea bargaining system that benefits from that process. if it's there it's not fair for example if the prosecutor makes a plea bargain with the defendant but doesn't tell the defendant of the evidence against him or doesn't reveal to the defendant that there is exculpatory evidence don't tend to show the defendant is not guilty if the prosecutor suppresses that, doesn't turn it over to the defense that isn't fair. >> is that legal? >> guest: it is not. the of a constitutional obligation to turn over all exculpatory evidence in brady versus maryland it's called brady material he will hear it called. many people remember the duke lacrosse case in north carolina were the prosecutor had this evidence showing that the young men on the team were probably not guilty because none of their dna was found and he suppresse
in north richmond and bringing their own weapons and saying we're going to create our own governance. so this puts the whole party on a different scale. pause now this is seen as a -- because now this is seen as a threat. what happens is the state says, okay, we can't have that, we're going to change the gun laws and restrict the right to bear arms. and interestingly, the nra in this period is in favor of restrictions on second amendment, and, um, ronald reagan and the assembly pushed true this legislation -- through this legislation to restrict the right to bear arms and make this initial strategy of policing the police that had built political power, um, the panthers had used to build political power impossible. but this really, this puts the party on the map. chairman seale and a delegation of panthers go to the assembly and protest this legislation. they go armed. this is before the law is passed. and newspapers all over the country, all over the world all of a sudden know about the black panther party. this is huey newton and the wicker throne. i'm not going to have time to talk in
is to disting, i between avoidable and unavoidable mistakes. in the u.k. government incare i are in to what happened there were two observations made. the first has been developed. they said if you're giving new intervention with a completely unpredictable mode of action and very unpredictable then don't give it to all six people at one. stagger it, do it every three, six, twelve you wouldn't want to go first. i'm not participating in phase one clinical trial. i don't unhow anyone can have that kind of relationship with risk. but that has been active. the second recommendation has not. it turns out in some respect this was foreseeable not entirely, there was an extra ground for concern because a similar intervention had been tried in one person, this had adverse outcome. it was congruently what we saw. but the research is working had no idea it happened because the results of that phase one trial hadn't been shared with the research community. and so the recommendation of the u.k. government inquiry was that the result should be dissemnating. it hasn't happened. today only one in ten phase
of the federal government behind a nontraditional family structure. that would have changed so much, i think, that would change so much. >> paid paternity leave would be an enormous leap. is going to have to come through private companies because the government isn't going to do it. the government can't say the entitlements that are already out there, marching on washington, we have to work on companies and there is enough pressure if young women, less in a new movement towards that, that can happen. there's a lot of precedent in companies like google, google in new york expanded to 12 weeks' paid maternity leave because they had too many women leaving. that is what happens. once they got -- improved their retention rate it is paying off. >> i want to shift, her name is in the air already, cheryl sandberg and what she has been attracting. when we talk about how we solve this problem, there are some women ceos who stepped forward and most notably sandberg, she has received a kind of astonishing analysis of vitriol. on one level, i have written about this, on the one level we want more women c
of progressives that were trying to essentially take over the state government. one of his first major campaigns was the gubernatorial election of 1902. he went down to the convention to support the progressive candidate at that time whose name was andrew jackson montague , and he was successful so that launched mackie's career. when he first got elected in 1903, he wanted to go out after the scandaling houses and the saloon and a sunday bars. he wanted to shut them down the the at lot of resistance from the small-town sheriff because he was aligned with the political machine. so he had to move together his own policy of supporters and conduct his own raids without much help from the sheriff. so he sent out letters to all of his political supporters saying what he was about to do is to the grade he was about to conduct and get people interested to find out if they wanted to be a part of the party. he got a good response and some of the elected prosecutor took this shotgun house his totem to all of these places. so the shotgun is interesting because some say that with mackie it's been passed down
-american? >> no. not entire countries we have an ongoing dispute with iran with the government that produces all manner of a vicious propaganda across the united states but among iranians we are quite popular. we are among the most pro american population of the greater middle east. it is unusual to find where pollsters cannot find population center filled with haters of america bayou do find the rise and fall of approval which can erupt in demonstrations or of the two disputes that we throw into the catchall carat one negative category underlying hatred even though opinion changes dramatically. germans are asked their opinion under george w. bush's fell to a low of 12% within a couple of years obama was elected approval was 92%. was that a population of haters? no. people who could make discriminating judgments on how they assessed the new leader of the same country. many western europeans and others were unhappy with the leader they saw the unilateral action who would have a swagger in his step with no interest in their opinion and when he left office in the new president came in who seemed to
but much more abstract ideological battles surrounding such topics as governance and privatization. the third major lesson i learned relates to both book-writing and education, i didn't, as i said, know in a lot of ways what my book would be about when i started writing it because i didn't know how the school year would go for the schools i would be in and for the people i was following, and obviously i knew would it be about people's experiences in new orleans schools after katrina, and i put a lot of thought into making sure i was seeing and learning about a diverse set of experiences. but it wasn't until i was writing the book and well into writing it that i realized how much the book is really about school culture. and i tend to be somewhat real relevantist and schools that structure well and those that are up suck viewerred and function well, and you want a mix of approaches because different kids thrive in different environments. but i did come away with the conclusion that it's absolutely vital that parents and staff and student come together around a shared vision of cultur
are not supported by government funding. we would appreciate your membership there. sarah is at the bathroom holding back of the room holding up her hand. this is the commercial part of our program. i will now move along to why you're here. we welcome you and thank you for joining. doctor fiona halleran is the department chair in ap history teacher in salt lake city. and she was a visiting assistant professor at. she earned her phd in american history at the university of california los angeles. she has been a research fellow at the huntington library and the university of oxford. she has contributed to europe and she published numerous essays including shell i trust these men, postwar black manhood and fathers, preachers, rebels and men. and this draws the line in cartoons and history. please join me in welcoming her. [applause] >> thank you. thank you, mark. thank you to jamie and scott here. we appreciate you helping us make this even possible. my friend e-mailed me to say, stop worrying. before we began come i would like to mention this image on your right. it is a particularly charming example
of children's author who was enlisted by the british government in 1942 to plant probe for propaganda in america in the attempt to discredit isolationists and encourage the united states to enter world war ii. it's about a half an hour. [applause] >> thank you for coming. this is a sort of home town book for you in washington. i should begin i suppose by saying that writing about spies is a tricky business. the history of any great espionage operation is by definition a secret undertaking. so it's full of shadow characters and murky dealings but making the matters worse in this story is the fact that all of the preexisting accounts were full of hopelessly muddled stories, modeled by exaggeration and misdirection and fly is both official and unofficial and that made tracking the truth is very slippery business. the history of the british spies, working america that is to save the history of the allies schley and on our allies, friends spying on friends is a story that a lot of people wanted to forget. both countries wanted to suppress so it is particularly tangled mess. working on this
the federal government wanted all states to adopt 55% speed limit. they said you're not getting any highway money unless you do. well, you know, congress can do that with federal education money as well. if you don't fully voucherrize the districts in this manner you're not going to get in federal education money if you don't make the requirements all the way down the chain to the municipality. >> there are lots of people out there who believe that -- let's have universal vouchers. i don't agree with that. i am for choice, not for choice sake but only when choice results in better outcomes and opportunities for kids. and the program says we support students first, programs geared towards low-income kids who would be trapped in failing schools. it can be worked out in terms of how much money the voucher should be, to be fair. what i find curious is the absolute aversion that people have to the concept of vouchers in public education. and there are two reasons why. one is because if you don't believe in public dollars going to private institutions, and companies, et cetera, then you don't bel
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